文件显示共和党筹款人曾谋划让美国驱逐郭文贵

从纽约时报这篇过去的报道来看,George Nader和阿联酋又是另一条线。
怪不得WSJ虽然全篇文章没有出现Nader,Broidy的关系网里却放上了这个名字。

布洛伊迪于2017年5月6日写了一份备忘录草案给阿联酋的顾问纳德,他提出了一个复杂的建议,要求两人依靠他们在华盛顿和阿联酋首都阿布扎比的综合影响力,利用一场不同寻常的三方交易获利。
根据计划,纳德会推动他的金主、穆罕默德·本·扎耶德·阿勒纳哈扬(Mohammed Bin Zayed al-Nahyan)王储以郭文贵与阿联酋的商业纠纷为由,要求美国政府交出他。
同时,布洛伊迪会确保特朗普政府按照阿联酋的引渡要求行事。同时不让此事显得像是将中国异见人士转交中国。
布洛伊迪写道,阿联酋人之后可能同意将郭文贵交给中国,因为据他们所知,郭文贵欠阿联酋投资基金30亿美元。作为交换,布洛伊迪写道,中国人可能还清这笔债务。
布洛伊迪写道,“中国会同意付钱”给纳德和他自己,“阿布扎比也会付钱”给他们。
他和纳德“可以协助特朗普政府的成员,包括特朗普总统,库什纳,司法部长杰夫·塞申斯(Jeff Sessions),国防部长詹姆斯·马蒂斯(James Mattis),国土安全部部长约翰·凯利(John F. Kelly)和国家安全顾问H·R·麦克马斯特(H. R. McMaster),让他们认识到与阿布扎比合作,将郭文贵交给他们的好处,这实际上是帮助中国进一步推进控制郭文贵的计划,“布洛伊迪写道。

Source: 文件显示共和党筹款人曾谋划让美国驱逐郭文贵 – 纽约时报中文网

中国通过共和党全国委员会前筹款人游说遣返郭文贵新细节曝光

中文版来了。

《华尔街日报》2019年曾报道,检方去年加强了对布罗迪是否试图从他与特朗普政府的关系中不当获利的调查,报道援引知情人士的话称,调查还包括通过他为刘特佐和他的研究公司客户所做的工作。该调查的状态目前不得而知。

上述文件显示,布罗迪试图驱逐郭文贵的努力还牵涉到赌场大亨、同时也是当时RNC财务主席史蒂夫·韦恩(Steve Wynn),文件中也没有直接点名韦恩,但可以从细节看出他的身份。文件称,2017年6月,布罗迪告诉一位同事,韦恩向美国总统重申了拒绝郭先生签证申请的必要性。2017年8月,他们两人从韦恩的游艇上致电特朗普,寻求核实郭文贵在美国的情况。

韦恩的一名律师说,韦恩已经协助了该调查。律师里德·温加顿(Reid Weingarten)说:“他在其中的作用很有限,且不是代表外国政府,完全是为了美国的利益。”

Source: 中国通过共和党全国委员会前筹款人游说遣返郭文贵新细节曝光 – 华尔街日报

New Details Revealed of RNC Fundraiser’s Lobbying for China

华尔街日报中文版至今没有将这个新闻翻译过去,你们说这是为什么呢。

A senior Chinese government official enlisted the help of a top fundraising official at the Republican National Committee to lobby the Trump administration in 2017 to return a Chinese businessman living in the U.S. who has long been sought by Beijing, according to a court document filed in Hawaii last week.

Sun Lijun, China’s then-vice minister of public security, met in a hotel suite in Shenzhen in May 2017 with Elliott Broidy, a venture capitalist and, at the time, national deputy finance chairman of the RNC, according to the document. At Mr. Sun’s request, Mr. Broidy agreed to seek to use his influence with the Trump administration to advocate for the removal of Guo Wengui, a Chinese businessman living in New York, the document said.

Source: New Details Revealed of RNC Fundraiser’s Lobbying for China – WSJ

特朗普前高级顾问班农于周四被捕,被控涉嫌挪用修建边境墙的众筹资金

华尔街日报中文网你能不能告诉我为何这篇中文译文和它的英文原文好像完全不是同一则新闻呢。

班农周四在康涅狄格州附近一艘属于郭文贵的游艇上被捕,郭文贵说,是他让班农留在那里躲避疫情的。

郭文贵在一次网络直播中说,班农想知道他周四为什么这么高兴,他的回答是“看到你被捕我很开心”。郭文贵说,坐牢会增强班农与中共斗争的决心。

Source: 特朗普前高级顾问班农于周四被捕,被控涉嫌挪用修建边境墙的众筹资金 – 华尔街日报

中国疾控中心为遏制流行病而设,却在新冠暴发的关键时刻受绊

之前分享过英文版,中文翻译版终于发出来了。
感觉全篇是在给中央和中国CDC开脱,说都是地方隐瞒不报。

武汉当时刚刚花了数十亿美元举办了世界军人运动会以提高城市知名度,有来自110个国家的运动员参加了比赛。当地领导人正在努力将武汉提升为与北京和上海等大城市相媲美的大都市,这样的政绩可以帮助武汉市委书记在中央政治局中争得一席之地,政治局目前由中国25名高层领导人组成。

一位武汉市的官员说,主席习近平出席了运动会开幕式,对武汉为举办这次活动所做的努力表示赞赏,这使得地方官员以为政治局的决定可能会在数周内达成。这名官员说,整体想法就是大事化小小事化了,没人预料到疫情爆发的规模。

武汉当时还在为一年一度的政策制定会议做准备,会有数百名当地官员和政协官员参加,又时逢中国农历新年假期将近,届时会有成千上万的人在国内或去海外旅行。

地方当局迅速采取行动压制了在线讨论,删除了李文亮的消息。知情人士说,李文亮和艾芬医生都受到医院领导的正式批评。

地方官员当时试图权衡问题的程度究竟有多大。

Source: 中国疾控中心为遏制流行病而设,却在新冠暴发的关键时刻受绊 – 华尔街日报

与班农和郭文贵有关的一家媒体公司融资交易遭到调查

WSJ你说说看,为什么那么多人要给他打钱呢?

纽约州一家法院在6月28日驳回了郭文贵对《华尔街日报》出版方道琼斯公司(Dow Jones & Co.)的诉讼。郭文贵起诉的事由是《华尔街日报》对Strategic Vision与上述郭文贵相关实体之间诉讼的报道。郭文贵已表示计划上诉。

最近的筹资活动也在海外引发关注。在台湾,当地新闻媒体报道称,警方阻止郭文贵的一名支持者向战友之家转账4.3万美元,原因是怀疑存在金融欺诈。新西兰一家当地新闻媒体报道称,该国数十名抗议者谴责澳新银行(Australia & New Zealand Banking Group Ltd., ANZ.AU)阻止向GTV Media转账200万美元的决定。澳新银行对此不予置评。

郭文贵曾在网上抱怨银行阻止转账的事情,称银行方面受到了中共的影响。

Source: 与班农和郭文贵有关的一家媒体公司融资交易遭到调查 – 华尔街日报

China’s CDC, Built to Stop Pandemics Like Covid, Stumbled When It Mattered Most

这篇文章提到了几个之前不明确的事情:

  1. 地方的CDC并不是向国家CDC汇报,而是当地卫健委;
  2. 武汉期待市委书记进政治局,所以希望大事化小;
  3. 国家CDC的高福是看到网上传言的红头文件才知道武汉有肺炎,于是打电话给武汉CDC同僚确认;
  4. 国家CDC派去武汉的工作组到华南海鲜市场取样的时候武汉卫健委早已派人消杀了一遍;
  5. 高福拿不到武汉的数据,跟美国的同僚打电话的时候气到快哭了;
  6. 卫健委在1月3日发文要求各实验室上交或销毁样本,并且禁止在期刊或媒体发文章;
  7. 复旦大学的张永振团队在1月3日收到病毒样本,5日取得测序结果,他向卫健委提醒这个病毒可能人传人,并在11日通过悉尼的同僚发表论文和序列。

感觉这篇文章就是在论证党管一切的外行指导内行行不通。

Wuhan had just spent billions of dollars hosting the Military World Games, involving athletes from 110 countries, in a bid to raise its profile. Local leaders were campaigning for Wuhan to be elevated to the same status as megacities such as Beijing and Shanghai, which would grant its party chief a seat on the Politburo, currently comprising China’s top 25 leaders.

President Xi attended the opening ceremony, praised Wuhan’s effort to host the event and led local authorities to believe the decision could come within weeks, according to one city official. “The whole mind-set was to reduce a big problem into a small one, and a small one into nothing,” the official said. “Nobody had anticipated the scale of the outbreak.”

(略)

By the time Dr. Li’s team reached the market early on Jan. 1, the cleanup, as recommended by the Dec. 30 report from local agencies in Wuhan, was in full swing.

The Wuhan office had sent a team to the market in the early hours of Dec. 31 to take samples and remove some animals, and dispatched a local company, Jiangwei Disinfection, to sterilize the area.

(略)

The China CDC team knew from its training it was essential to communicate quickly and clearly with the public so that people could take precautions and to prevent misinformation.

The NHC took a different view.

On Jan. 3, it issued an internal notice ordering laboratories that had tested samples to destroy them or hand them to the government and forbade anyone from publishing research on the virus directly or via the media, according to a copy seen by the Journal.

Dr. Gao, who was in Beijing trying to coordinate between local and national officials, was so exasperated that in a call with his U.S. counterpart, he came close to tears, according to people briefed on the conversation.

The NHC’s efforts to control the flow of information weren’t entirely successful.

Around midday on Jan. 3, a team of researchers at the Shanghai Public Health Clinic Center of Fudan University received a sample from a Wuhan hospital and started to sequence the genome without knowing anything about the patient or a potential link to the outbreak, according to people familiar with the matter.

In the early hours of Jan. 5, they said, a researcher who was working late saw the results: It said “very similar to SARS-type coronavirus.”

The team—led by Zhang Yongzhen, who also works at the China CDC—noticed something else: a gene for a “spike protein” on the pathogen’s surface that closely resembled the one used by the SARS-causing virus to bind to human cells. That indicated human-to-human transmission was very likely.

They sent an internal notice about their findings to the NHC that day, warning that the virus could likely spread via the respiratory tract and advising appropriate measures in public places.

No such measures were adopted for another two weeks. Nor were the results released publicly for several days.

On Jan. 9, a day after the Journal reported that China was dealing with a new coronavirus, a Chinese official publicly confirmed that for the first time. Still, it didn’t publish the genome—information that is essential for designing test kits.

Two days later, the Shanghai team’s work was published online not through official Chinese channels, but by a University of Sydney virologist, Edward Holmes, with whom Dr. Zhang had often worked. Dr. Zhang declined to comment.

Dr. Holmes said he was aware of the NHC’s Jan. 3 notice prohibiting public release at the time. “We decided to go ahead because this was an issue of such global public health importance that it just had to be done,” he said.

The following day, the NHC officially shared the genome with the world.

 

Source: China’s CDC, Built to Stop Pandemics Like Covid, Stumbled When It Mattered Most – WSJ